[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Russian President Vladimir Putin stands at the centre of one of the most striking geopolitical paradoxes of the early 21st century. To many in the West he has become a symbol of authoritarianism, aggression and geopolitical risk. The media, policymakers, think-tanks and commentators devote vast energy to critiquing his every move — analysing his strategic ambitions, war in Ukraine, human-rights record, and the implications of Russia’s assertive foreign policy. Yet in Russia — and in significant swathes of the Global South — Putin remains enormously popular, his leadership widely admired for providing stability, national pride and an alternative to Western hegemony. His December 4-5, 2025, state visit to India for the 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit underscores this paradox: even as Western nations double down on sanctions and diplomatic pressure, Moscow continues to deepen its ties with non-Western powers.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Enduring Popularity in Polls
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Recent polling data suggest that Putin’s approval and trust ratings remain high in Russia even in 2025. According to a survey conducted by the Public Opinion Foundation (FOM), the president enjoyed a trust rating of 83 percent in March 2025, with job-performance approval also around 83 percent.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Meanwhile, a report from the independent Levada Center (often considered the most credible domestic public-opinion pollster) for April 2025 shows sustained — though more modest — trust: roughly 47 percent of respondents said they trusted Putin personally.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]The persistence of high support is further underscored by broader studies: according to a 2025 survey by the Pew Research Center of 25 countries, Russia stands out in certain nations where public favourability remains relatively high — a dynamic that has echoes in global opinions of Putin too.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]More broadly, a recent analysis of Russian public opinion by the Atlantic Council concludes that not even the full-scale war in Ukraine (which began in 2022) “has been able to shake Russian society’s consolidation around the Kremlin,” a phenomenon sometimes referred to as the “Putin Consensus.”
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Origins of Enduring Popularity: From the 1990s Chaos to Putin’s “Order”
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]To understand contemporary support, one must go back to the chaotic 1990s — a period marked by economic collapse, hyperinflation, unpaid wages, oligarchic plunder and general social dislocation. Many Russians associate those years with instability and insecurity.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]When Putin rose to power (initially as prime minister in 1999, then as president), he projected an image of a strong, decisive leader capable of restoring order. Early in his presidency (2000–2008), the country registered impressive economic growth: GDP growth averaged around 7 percent annually; industrial output expanded significantly; and many Russians saw real incomes rise.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]This period of relative prosperity and recovery from the 1990s downturn helped forge a durable association between Putin’s leadership and stability. For many, he represented not just a political figure, but a guarantee against a return to chaos.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]National Pride, Security, and the External Threat Narrative
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Putin has repeatedly leveraged foreign policy and military actions to rekindle national pride. Conflicts in Georgia (2008), the annexation of Crimea (2014) and interventions in Ukraine (2022 onward) have been presented domestically as necessary steps to safeguard Russia’s sovereignty, resist Western encroachment and reassert Russia’s status on the global stage. Observers note that such rally-’round-the-flag moments tend to boost Putin’s popularity — even when the underlying actions provoke international condemnation.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Indeed, the Levada Center survey finds that many Russians perceive the Kremlin’s foreign-policy moves as enhancing the strength of Russia’s defense forces (76 percent) and improving its international influence (64 percent) — though they remain more divided on effects on the economy (49 percent thought policy improved it, 36 percent thought it worsened) and Russia’s global image (45 percent said it worsened).
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Such mixed assessments of side effects appear insufficient to shake the broader appreciation among large segments of the populace; for many, national sovereignty, security and global respect rank higher than short-term economic hardship or reputational risk.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]The Rally Effect, Social Psychology and Long-Term Support
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Academic work confirms that the war in Ukraine triggered renewed support for Putin among ordinary Russians — not just temporarily, but in a durable way. A 2024 empirical study using data from the Levada Center and Gallup shows that post-invasion, Russians expressed greater optimism about the future, reduced migration aspirations, increased anti-Western attitudes, and a stronger readiness to back the regime.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Moreover, regions with weaker pre-war support for Putin saw the strongest rally after the war began — especially where economic benefits from wartime mobilization or defense-related spending were felt.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]In effect, war and heightened external pressure — rather than eroding support — have often reinforced it, turning public opinion into a powerful buffer for the regime.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Popularity Beyond Russia: The Appeal of Multipolarity
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]While approval of Russia and Putin remains deeply negative across much of Western Europe and North America, polling in other parts of the world paints a more nuanced picture. The 2025 global survey by the Pew Research Center shows that in 25 countries, the median positive view of Russia remains low. Yet there are noteworthy exceptions. In a few — notably India, Indonesia, Turkey and Mexico — opinions of Russia remain more favourable than unfavourable.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]For instance, in the 2025 survey, India stands out: among countries surveyed, “opinions of Russia” in India tilt positive on balance (49 percent favourable vs 21 percent unfavorable), though a substantial portion (31 percent) expressed no opinion.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Still, across most countries, confidence in Putin “to do the right thing regarding world affairs” remains low, with a global median of only around 15 percent expressing at least some confidence.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Thus, while widespread admiration for Putin is far from universal, there exists a significant base of global support (or at least acceptance) — especially in parts of the Global South — grounded not in love, but in strategic interest, historical ties and disaffection with Western dominance.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Why Russia Resonates in the Global South
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Several overlapping dynamics help explain why Putin — and Russia — resonate beyond its borders:
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Post-colonial distrust of Western hegemony: Many states in Asia, Africa and Latin America have experienced colonialism, foreign intervention, economic exploitation or cultural paternalism. For these countries, Russia often symbolises resistance to Western dominance, offering a model of geopolitical independence or “multipolarity.”
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Strategic pragmatism: For countries with limited leverage in global affairs, partnering with Russia can provide access to military technology, energy resources, infrastructure investment and diplomatic bargaining power — often with fewer of the conditionalities associated with Western engagement.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Historical or cultural affinity: In some cases, long-standing ties, past cooperation (such as Soviet-era support), or shared non-alignment sensibilities reinforce favourable views. In others, Russia’s position as a “counter-model” to neoliberal or Western liberal democracy is seen as more compatible with domestic political realities.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Alternative to US-EU pressure: As Western countries pressure smaller or developing states to isolate Russia diplomatically or economically, many in the Global South view alignment with Russia as an assertion of sovereignty and strategic autonomy.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Hence, for many in the Global South, Putin’s image is less about ideology, and more about realpolitik: a leader who challenges Western dominance and offers tangible options for cooperation outside the Western sphere.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Case Study: India — A Strategic Partner Embracing Putin’s Visit
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]The timing and significance of Putin’s December 4-5 visit to New Delhi (for the 23rd India–Russia Annual Summit) illustrate how this broader dynamic plays out in real-world diplomacy, especially in a major Global South power like India.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Record bilateral trade: In the fiscal year 2024-25, Russia-India trade hit a historic high of roughly $68.7 billion, driven largely by Indian imports of discounted Russian crude oil.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Efforts to rebalance trade: Indian Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal has emphasised the need to reduce the lopsided energy-driven trade imbalance, calling for expanded Indian exports of consumer goods, textiles, electronics, industrial components, machinery and food products.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Strategic and defence cooperation: Beyond trade and energy, the summit is set to deepen cooperation in defence, nuclear and space sectors, and formalise labour-mobility agreements.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Sovereignty and strategic autonomy: For India, engagement with Russia underlines a policy of non-alignment and strategic autonomy — choosing to maintain strong ties with Moscow while not fully aligning with Western bloc pressures, especially in the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]More broadly, according to the 2025 Pew survey, India remains the country with the most favourable view of Russia among those polled: among Indian respondents, most view Russia positively, and India is unique among surveyed countries in having more favourable than unfavourable opinions of Russia.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]In short: India’s embrace of Putin — even amid Western pressure — is less about ideological affinity than strategic calculus: diversifying energy sources, securing defence supplies, balancing global power dynamics and sustaining economic growth in a volatile global environment.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Historical and Geopolitical Backdrop: Why Putin’s Russia Still Matters
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]The appeal of Putin cannot be understood outside the context of centuries-long Russian-Western rivalry: from the Tsarist-era conflicts to the Cold War, and the post-Soviet Western expansion via NATO, Russia’s strategic identity has always been in tension with Western power. Many of Putin’s backers, in Russia and abroad, view NATO enlargement, Western sanctions and Western moralising as modern reiterations of that historical antagonism.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]In the post-Soviet breakdown of the 1990s, Western-style liberal democracy and free-market reforms appeared to many Russians as chaotic and entropic. Putin’s model — centralised power, state control over key sectors and assertive foreign policy — offered instead a narrative of national rebirth and stability. This pattern, critics and supporters alike note, resonates with governance styles seen in many non-Western countries, particularly in parts of Asia and the Middle East, where centralised authority is often seen as better suited to their social, economic and cultural contexts.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]For many in the Global South, Russia under Putin represents a viable alternative to Western liberal democracy — not necessarily aspiring to emulate it, but offering a different path: one that foregrounds sovereignty, state-led development and resistance to external pressure.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]In historical-philosophical terms, this echoes the ancient dictum attributed to thinkers like the Indian political strategist Chanakya who wrote: “The foremost duty of a ruler is to keep his people happy and content. The people are his biggest asset as well as the source of peril. They will not support a weak administration.” Thus, stability, not experiment, often becomes the bedrock of enduring rule. In this sense, many Russians — and many abroad — see Putin as fulfilling that role, especially against what they perceive as an increasingly interventionist and unstable global order led by the West.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Why the West “Hates” Putin: The Strategic, Moral and Ideological Divide
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]From the Western perspective, Putin represents several intertwined threats:
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Geopolitical challenge: Russia’s assertiveness — in Ukraine, the Middle East, in cyber, energy supply and influence operations — undermines Western dominance and challenges the post–Cold War order.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Normative conflict: Western liberal democracies view Russia as authoritarian, with weak rule of law, suppression of dissent, restrictions on media and civil society — and thus see Putin’s style of governance as fundamentally opposed to Western values.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Security and economic risk: Actions like the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, suppression of opposition, and use of energy as a weapon create instability, risk military escalation and threaten global supply chains.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Moral and human-rights concerns: Imprisonment of critics, crackdown on free speech, handling of opposition and protest — all contribute to a perception of moral failure.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]These considerations drive Western policymakers, media and public opinion to view Putin with suspicion, hostility or outright condemnation; they define him as a global adversary, a powerful rival with a very different vision of world order.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Given this chasm — between the values the West espouses and the model Putin represents — animus toward him becomes almost inevitable. In a sense, the industry of Western commentary and criticism around Putin reflects an existential discomfort with a world where alternative models succeed.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]The Paradox of Putin’s Appeal
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Vilified in the West, Putin remains a symbol of stability, sovereignty, resistance and pragmatism at home. His popularity in Russia draws strength from what many perceive as concrete achievements: recovery from the 1990s collapse, economic stabilisation, restored national pride and a clear, assertive foreign policy. The war in Ukraine, rather than undermining his standing at home, has often reinforced it — catalysing a rally effect, increased nationalism, and a sense of existential resistance to the West.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Abroad — particularly in countries disillusioned with Western dominance, interventionism, or conditional aid — Putin’s Russia offers an alternative path: a multipolar world order, state-led development and a reset to traditional notions of sovereignty.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]The December 2025 visit to India illustrates how these dynamics play out in realpolitik: even as Western nations pressure New Delhi, India pursues a balancing act that reflects its long-term national interests. The surge in bilateral trade, broader defence and energy cooperation, and efforts to diversify economic ties show that for many non-Western powers, Russia remains a critical partner — and Putin a central figure.
[color=hsl(0, 0%, 0%)]Whether one views this as realpolitik realism or as a drift toward authoritarian alliances, the enduring popularity of Putin suggests that the global contest is not just between Russia and the West — but between incompatible visions of what leadership, sovereignty and development should look like in a rapidly transforming world order. |
